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Zabougornov
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Откуда: Обер-группен-доцент, ст. руководитель группы скоростных свингеров, он же Забашлевич Оцаат Поэлевич

СообщениеДобавлено: Среда, 13 Октябрь 2010, 09:52:10    Заголовок сообщения: Ответить с цитатой

Классические воры. Под покровом темноты воруют оливы у своих соседей-палестинцев. Всякий стыд потеряли, мнят себя "солью земли"...

Цитата:
In two cases, Civil Administration personnel found the thieves, confiscated the stolen olives and returned them to their rightful owners.


Цитата:
This year, the harvest began about 10 days ago, and according to IDF officers, there have been cases where settlers knew ahead of time which days the army was going to be guarding which orchards. It is believed that the settlers arrived before guards could be posted, and under cover of darkness harvested most of the olives themselves.

In the orchards near the outpost of Havat Gilad in the central northern West Bank, an officer said an IDF patrol had seen two settlers coming with two sacks of olives to one of the houses in the outpost.

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Zabougornov
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СообщениеДобавлено: Среда, 20 Октябрь 2010, 14:27:37    Заголовок сообщения: Ответить с цитатой

http://www.haaretz.com/blogs/mess-report/however-wonderful-they-may-be-settlers-are-an-insurmountable-obstacle-to-peace-1.320248
However wonderful they may be, settlers are an insurmountable obstacle to peace
The settlers' pain is understandable as the state tries to freeze their vision, but it is also apparent that the settlement enterprise cannot continue if we want to achieve a two-state solution to the conflict with the Palestinians.
By Avi Issacharoff Tags: Israel news Israel settlements Middle East peace West Bank

Last week I was invited to visit the Hayovel neighborhood in the West Bank settlement of Eli (erected on the 50th anniversary of Israel's establishment). This neighborhood includes several structures that were likely built on Palestinian land and are slated for demolition, pending a court ruling.

I was treated to a pleasant breakfast and a breathtaking view of the Shilo region, and more importantly, I had the pleasure of meeting wonderful unique people, what we call "salt of the earth," who are driven by a sense of duty. Israel Defense Forces officers of the past and the present, social activists (within the Green Line), and many more fine people.

Though most of them have never set foot in a settlement, the Israeli left, especially in Tel Aviv, tends to lump all settlers together – all rightist, extreme, ignorant and narrow minded. In Eli, like in many other settlements, the residents are actually very intelligent and well educated. They are enthusiastic Zionists, true, but not the kind who rejoice when a Palestinian olive grove goes up in flames. In a way I felt envious of these people – while I chase my next scoop they are making their dream of populating the land of Israel come true.

According to Jewish tradition, the settlement of Eli is situated across from Shilo – the capital of the Kingdom of Israel where the pre-temple Ark of the Covenant was housed for 369 years. In the valley between Shilo and Eli, again according to local lore, the women of Israel danced and gave to the Jews the holiday of Tu B'Av – the holiday of love.

I personally believe that under any future agreement between Israel and the Palestinians, these people need to evacuate their land and relocate to land within the Green Line. But I feel obligated to say one or two positive words about the ones I met.

I don't meet a lot of settlers. My journalistic beat encompasses Arabs, and when I do come into contact with Jews living in the West Bank, it is usually when they perpetrate violent incidents, especially during the Palestinian olive harvest. Even during my visit to Eli there were several such violent incidents. On the day before my tour of the area, the residents of the neighboring Palestinian village found that hundreds of their olive trees had been poisoned, apparently by settlers. But the people I met in Eli don't support these kinds of actions.

Now the rightists will say that even in writing these things I am displaying Tel Avivian, condescending qualities because it is obvious that not everyone is the same. But, still, it is important to say these things. It is important to understand that it was the State of Israel that sent these people to live where they currently reside, and now it is the same state trying to pressure them and restrict them. Their pain is understandable as the state tries to freeze their vision, but it is also apparent that the settlement enterprise cannot continue if we want to achieve a two-state solution to the conflict with the Palestinians.

An overview of the region reveals that all the hilltops surrounding Eli are in Jewish hands. Some of them legally owned by Jews, and others illegally claimed. Such is the case in the hilly region surrounding Nablus as well: Yitzhar and its outposts, Itamar and its outposts. The Palestinian aspiration to establish a territorially continuous state seems imaginary, almost infantile, in light of the settlers control over every hilltop surrounding Nablus and Ramallah. Even more imaginary – the discussion surrounding the possibility that Israel will evacuate theses settlements one day. This is an impossible mission, at least for now. We're talking about some 100,000 Jews who will be forced to leave their homes, and that's not to mention the 250,000 Jews living in the settlement blocs that will likely remain under Israeli sovereignty.

The big scandal surrounding the Gaza settlement evacuation, when 9,000 Jews were evacuated, seems like a drop in the ocean when compared to the West Bank. Even if we do achieve a peace agreement with the Palestinians, it is unrealistic to expect the IDF and the police to be able to evacuate such a large number of people. It is especially unrealistic in light of the massive transformation that the IDF is undergoing currently - more and more of its officers are religious Zionists who identify with the right and oppose evacuating settlements.

Will the army be able to complete such a task? I don't have a clear answer. I can be sure, however, that despite my appreciation for the residents of Eli, Shilo and other mainstream settlements, the continuation of construction in these settlements will absolutely prevent the possibility of a peace deal with the Palestinians.

So what is the solution? The one I support remains the two-state solution. I may be overly optimistic, knowing what I know about the changes in the army and on the ground, but regardless, when I listened to the people who hosted my visit in Shilo and its surroundings, the sentence that I kept repeating was that for them, there is no solution.
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СообщениеДобавлено: Среда, 20 Октябрь 2010, 14:34:42    Заголовок сообщения: Ответить с цитатой

Цитата:
I don't meet a lot of settlers. My journalistic beat encompasses Arabs, and when I do come into contact with Jews living in the West Bank, it is usually when they perpetrate violent incidents, especially during the Palestinian olive harvest. Even during my visit to Eli there were several such violent incidents. On the day before my tour of the area, the residents of the neighboring Palestinian village found that hundreds of their olive trees had been poisoned, apparently by settlers. But the people I met in Eli don't support these kinds of actions.
Прямо во время визита журналиста в поселение Эли в близлежащей арабской деревне сотни олив были отравлены. Журналист признаёт что это сделали поселенцы. Но то были плохие поселецы, а вот те поселенцы с которыми журналист встречался, они эти акции не поддерживают. Бу-га-га!
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СообщениеДобавлено: Пятница, 22 Октябрь 2010, 18:02:11    Заголовок сообщения: Ответить с цитатой

http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/palestinian-graveyard-vandalized-in-settler-price-tag-operation-1.320675
Palestinian graveyard vandalized in settler 'price tag' operation
Witnesses report seeing three suspects at the graveyard in West Bank village of Kfar Kadum.
By DPA Tags: Israel news West Bank Israel settlements Palestinians

Extremist Jewish settlers spray-painted slogans on graves at a northern West Bank cemetery, Israeli media reported Friday.

The vandals also sprayed the name of the extremist late Rabbi Meir Kahane on one of the graves.

Palestinian security forces alerted the Israeli military and said witnesses reported seeing three suspects at the graveyard in the village of Kfar Kadum, near the West Bank city of Qalqiliya.

One of the slogans had the words "price tag," which radical settlers use to describe their revenge campaign against restrictions on Israeli construction in the occupied territory.

A 10-month partial freeze of Israeli construction at West Bank settlements expired last month, and new building starts have picked up.
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СообщениеДобавлено: Суббота, 12 Ноябрь 2011, 22:16:53    Заголовок сообщения: Ответить с цитатой

http://www.haaretz.com/weekend/magazine/west-bank-settlement-is-outdoing-its-neighboring-bedouin-village-1.395014
West Bank settlement is outdoing its neighboring Bedouin village
Dozens of people in Umm al-Khayr live in grinding poverty, next to a few hundred people to whom Israel has generously supplied, in the heart of the desert, the amenities for leading a comfortable modern life.
By Ilana Hammerman Tags: West Bank Israel settlements


"And there was a man in Maon, whose possessions were in Carmel; and the man was very great, and he had three thousand sheep, and a thousand goats; and he was shearing his sheep in Carmel. Now the name of the man was Nabal; and the name of his wife Abigail; and the woman was of good understanding, and of a beautiful form; but the man was churlish and evil in his doings ... " - 1 Samuel 25:2-3

A tall girl emerged from the doorway of the large one-story house and stood on the tiled space in front. Though palm trees and verdant bushes were all around, there was no shade and the girl stood under the broiling sun. Her clothes divided her lean figure into two: a dark blue blouse with a closed collar and long sleeves; this contrasted with the flaring white skirt that reached halfway down her shins. On her feet were rubber flip-flops. Apart from the skirt, everything about her was dark, including her long brown hair loosely gathered at the back, olive skin and large eyes. She reminded me of one of the girls I had seen in the morning in the village on the other side of the fence. We stared at each other.

"How old are you?" I asked her. "I will be 7 on the 23rd of Tamuz," she replied, lifting one shoulder and tilting her pretty oval head toward it, while charmingly arching her back. "You're cute," I told her. She was silent.

I knew I should explain to her my sudden appearance next to her house - a strange woman in this small settlement where everyone surely knows everyone else. "I'm just on an outing here," I said embarrassedly. "I wanted to see your place. I'm from Jerusalem."

She said nothing. "Do you live here?" I asked. "Yes," she replied. "And what's it like, do you feel good here?" Another stupid question. She gave me a quizzical look and said nothing. "Where do you go to school?" I asked her, trying to find a thread that would connect us across the garden and yard between us. "In Susya," she said - the neighboring settlement. Her reply reminded me where I was and snapped me out of the vacant state of mind I had fallen into after the electric gate of the settlement of Carmel, the little girl's home, let me in a little while before. "Shalom," I said, then went back to the car and hightailed it out of there, first along the access road leading from the house, then onto the street and out of the settlement.

I didn't know anyone yet in Carmel, a gated community south of Hebron in the West Bank. I had entered alone, and after driving once and then twice through its three streets, or maybe four or five, I lapsed into a kind of reverie brought on by my increasingly surrealistic surroundings. No living creature - neither man, woman, nor child, neither dog nor even a stray cat - could be seen on the clean, tidy streets and tiled sidewalks that curve into convenient parking bays. The garbage bins, too, stand implacably in their appointed places, and on both sides are handsome homes with red-tile roofs, most of them nestling amid lush green lawns, trees and bushes.

The streets end at a no-man's-land that circles the settlement, demarcated by a barbed-wire fence. On the other, eastern side of one section of the fence, and almost abutting it, are large tents, tin shacks, lean-tos and makeshift goat pens. Between them, walking or running, were boys, girls, women and teenagers. They are from the Hadaleen Bedouin tribe, next to whose meager dwellings Carmel was established some 30 years ago.

Since then the settlement has taken root and grown. It is now expanding again and continuing to usurp the land of its neighbors, who lived at the site decades before the settlers arrived. Amid the desert vastness, the settlers craved precisely this piece of land. The charming little girl I encountered that day was born and raised there, and my faltering conversation with her next to her house - from which neither tin shacks nor tents are visible - hurtled me back to reality.

Right next to the stately country homes - complete with air-conditioning, drip-irrigation gardens and goldfish ponds - a few extended families including old men, old women and infants live in dwellings made of tin, cloth and plastic siding, though there are a few cinder-block structures, too. They tread on broken, barren ground. They have no running water. They are not connected to the power grid that lights up every settlement and outpost in this remote region. They have no access road.

To get to them, take the asphalt road leading to Carmel's large chicken coops that abut the Bedouin site on the north, and turn off amid the rocks and potholes. Then drive until you see them, "the two clusters of Bedouin," as they are described in an official Defense Ministry document (see box ). Dozens of people live here in grinding poverty, next to a few hundred people to whom Israel has generously supplied, in the heart of the desert, the amenities for leading a comfortable modern life.

Why were they connected in this way - that is, the settlers to the Bedouin? Are there no other places in these expanses for settlement? There is only one reason: They want the Bedouin to leave. They, the settlers. They, the State of Israel. They, us, the people of the State of Israel, all of us. Because the settlers are not alone: Behind them are the powerful, sophisticated forces of a whole country, our country, propelled by its army, laws and all the mechanisms of government that make the Bedouin's lives so unbearable that they will finally get out.

Demolition order for a stove

The families in the Bedouin hamlet of Umm al-Khayr came here more than 60 years ago after Israel expelled them from the Arad Rift to Jordan. After wandering about, they settled in this arid desert region known as the South Hebron Hills. They acquired the land from residents of the nearby town of Yata in return for camels or money - each family and its story, each family and the legal papers it has or doesn't have.

People have lived here like this for generations, and no government authority was ever strict with them about ownership. In any case, no one disputes the fact that they were here, in their desert home, when Israel reached them for the second time, after the war in 1967. Still, the state and its citizens didn't crave their land immediately.

The Bedouin went on living as before for 14 more years until in 1981, when, after decisions by officials, committees and ministers, Carmel arose next to them. As the settlement developed and expanded, so too did its hold on land where the Bedouin lived or grazed their sheep and goats. With the settlers came the infrastructure for electricity, water and sewage, reaching the fence. A few years later, military orders began to rain down on the other side of the fence.

Almost every structure here, even the small lavatories built recently, has a stop-work or demolition order hanging over it. All the orders are based on Article 38 of the Towns, Villages and Buildings Planning Law, which states: "If the local committee or the district planning committee discovers that the construction of any land [sic] or the construction of a building is being executed without a permit or contrary to what a permit stipulates or contrary to valid regulations, orders and directives, or contrary to any approved planning and/or construction project, the relevant committee or its chairman, or any official authorized to act in its name, shall issue an operative warning against the owner, the contractor, the possessor and the foreman .... In particular, the warning shall contain a demand to remove, demolish or change the building or work or to desist from using the said land and to desist from further construction activity."

In short, all the violations that the law - promulgated by a state that considers itself law-abiding, a properly administered state in a region of backward countries and despotic regimes - sought to terminate via demolitions, changes and stop-work orders were apparently perpetrated by the Bedouin. From tent to urinal, from lean-to to wood-burning outdoor stove, everything here was built illegally, without planning and contrary to regulations, orders and directives. Accordingly, the owners and/or holders of these "assets" received detailed orders citing section and plot numbers - even in this forlorn area there are lawfully measured parcels of land - along with type and size of structure.

One such order, for example, refers to "a tent made of iron poles with a cloth roof and a tent made of iron poles with a total area of 70 square meters." Another order challenges the legality of a lavatory - "a tin structure of two square meters" - and of two small tents "with an area of 12 square meters and six square meters." A third, incredibly, takes issue with "a structure made of stone that serves as a tabun," a wood-burning outdoor stove.

That last injunction, issued a year ago, was a stop-work order. But the tabun had been built many years earlier and had been in constant use by a family living nearby. So what did the order mean? According to the stove's owner, it was the family's bad luck that the baking aroma, which is sometimes carried by the wind, irritated the noses of the residents of the new neighborhood in Carmel.

So the settlers took a series of measures. First they threatened their neighbors and made demands, then they broke the structure's clay vessels, then they turned to the state. The state acceded and issued an order from "the Civil Administration for the Judea and Samaria region, Supreme Planning Council, subcommittee for supervision." In other words, a standard order representing a whole hierarchy of authorities that the state has ostensibly made responsible for maintaining law and order in the occupied territories. But these authorities, like the laws themselves, are designed to serve the material and ideological interests of a certain segment of the population who are the authorities' agents and who, for more than four decades, have been implementing every government's annexationist policies in the West Bank. In Umm al-Khayr the tabun and most structures are still standing because they are the subjects of legal proceedings - lengthy, expensive and absurd - that have been going on for years. But every so often the orders are carried out. The last time was two months ago, on the morning of September 8. People from the Civil Administration arrived at Umm al-Khayr with a bulldozer, and soldiers demolished three of the structures previously mentioned: the lavatory, a tent and a tin shack that was home to a family of 10. The wreckers told the villagers they would be back soon for another round of destruction.

Some structures have been demolished once, twice or three times and then rebuilt. The inhabitants refuse to leave. The settlers, acting as if the Bedouin aren't there, continue to create facts on the ground. And it's all sanctioned by law - the state has allotted the settlers large tracts, marked by blue lines on the maps as the regulations require, and the state and its army help the settlers entrench their grip on the land.

So the Bedouin are brutally victimized. Their homes are demolished, the concrete sides of their water cistern are cracked, their fence around a meager plot they are working despite the drought is ripped out, and their shepherds are driven off. Some of these acts are perpetrated by the authorities and the army, some by the settlers. Everything is done openly and is documented on film, though few eyes seek to view the results.

Closed military area

At the settlement of Carmel, why is it that on one side of the fence, roads, homes and public institutions have been built and gardens planted, while on the other side even a stone stove and tin-hut lavatory are fated to be destroyed? Is everything built on one side legal and everything built on the other side illegal? In a word, yes. Precisely for this reason, during Israel's rule in the West Bank, an array of judicial, legislative and planning tools have been perfected: to legalize - in advance or retroactively - Israel's civilian takeover of 43 percent of the West Bank. No less, maybe more.

Carmel is just one example, a good one. First the land was grabbed in a "military seizure" order; then, in January 1981, a Nahal paramilitary outpost was set up there. Then the outpost was "civilianized." The land itself had already been "civilianized" earlier. At the end of 1979, assessors and surveyors assigned the area a new status - "state land" - which, in total contradiction to the international law that applies to occupied territories, koshered Israeli civilian settlement in an area in which the army is sovereign. Most settlements in the West Bank then received the same validation.

The areas designated as state land are made available only to Jews, and they are distributed generously. The land controlled by the settlements extends far beyond their built-up areas and is many times the size of the settlement itself. In Carmel, for example, the built-up area constitutes only one-eighth of the land allotted to the settlement. This "jurisdiction area" has long, grasping tentacles - as can be seen in Civil Administration data - all of it classified in a special order as a "closed military zone."

Closed to civilians? No. Like all Israeli settlements in the West Bank, it's open to every Israeli, civilian or soldier, and to whoever "is eligible to immigrate to Israel under the provisions of the Law of Return or possesses a valid entry visa to Israel." It's closed to all other human beings. Above all, it's closed to the Bedouin of Umm al-Khayr, who are not Israelis and are not eligible to immigrate under the Law of Return and don't have an entry visa to the Jewish state. So these people, who have lived here all their lives, are having more and more problems residing in their dwellings - which are designated for demolition. And they're also having problems grazing their sheep, their main source of livelihood. The last time I visited the village I saw a herd of goats returning in the heat of day from pasture. I watched them from afar as they took a very long, twisting path. The shorter route passed the spot where I was standing, but here, in the middle of nowhere, there is a standard, albeit tilting, road sign that states: "No entry." To whom is the sign conveying this information in this wasteland? Someone who must have wondered the same thing pasted the picture of a goat on the sign. In other words, from this point on there is no passage for herders and their animals.

Yes, this empty zone, a long way from Carmel's latest new homes, is in the settlement's area of jurisdiction. This year, on Tu Bishvat (Jewish Arbor Day ), the settlers planted a few trees and set out wooden tables and benches for anyone who wished to relax here, precisely here. The result is that the shepherds and goatherds must take another wider bypass in addition to the bypasses the built-up area and fence already impose on them.

It's here that the main violent confrontations have been taking place. Because there is no fence in this zone, the settlers and army show the Bedouin their limits by shouting, pushing and kicking. These actions can be seen in visits to the area or in photos and videos on the Internet.

An idyllic situation, at first

I returned to Carmel a week later - this time, at my request, as an invited guest. My host, Ron Tzurel, received me with genuine cordiality. He has lived in the settlement from its inception and in 1979 worked for a short time with the surveyors who delineated the "state land" where his home was later built. His house is one of the closest to the fence and thus to the Bedouin's tents and tin shacks. Their desolate soil abuts his garden and he is friendly with a few of them, speaks their language and helps them out occasionally. He says he is grieved by their plight and wants to see their conditions improved.

In the beginning the situation was idyllic, Tzurel told me. The Bedouin worked in the settlement and earned a decent wage; the settlers even hooked them up to their water system. But long ago something bad happened. A Bedouin man named Ibrahim was arrested on suspicion of doing something prohibited. He never returned to his family in Umm al-Khayr, and to this day Tzurel doesn't know what Ibrahim allegedly did. In any event, the water supply to the Bedouin was cut off and that was the end of the neighborly relations.

Now, years later, all we hear - and see - from the Bedouin across the fence are complaints about harassment by the army and settlers. But Tzurel is a believing Jew and the return of the Jewish people to their land is for him an auspicious development, a great and joyful event. So it's inconceivable, he says, that it should entail injustice - there is room here for both Carmel's residents and the Bedouin.

Indeed, from his big living-room door that opens onto the garden, the desert's endless vistas are visible beyond the Bedouin's nearby hovels. He didn't ask why the Bedouin don't move there and I didn't ask him why he had come to this particular place. I did ask him about the settlement's new neighborhood, which is also visible from his house and which is causing the Bedouin further problems. He replied by citing a fact about which there's no doubt: The neighborhood was built legally, within Carmel's area of jurisdiction.

Tzurel is both a law-abiding man and a visionary; the two traits sit very well together here, from his viewpoint and to his satisfaction. The state gave the settlement this land and it must be settled with as many Jews as possible. That's the great vision, the dream that is coming true. And it's coming true here on both sides of the Green Line, which is unmarked and unknown in this part of the country.

My affable host showed me this clearly when he drove me in his pickup to see the area's agricultural wonders, from the cowshed run jointly by the settlements of Carmel and Ma'on, to the crops grown jointly by the settlements of Carmel, Ma'on and Beit Yatir. The cowshed is to the north of the vanished Green Line, atop a hill between Ma'on and Carmel; the fields stretch out to the south of the line in the Arad Rift.

The settlers have developed a model farm on both sides of the irrelevant line. The cowshed - clean, spacious and state-of-the-art - produces millions of liters of milk a year. Using an innovative method that treats the cows' solid and liquid wastes, it also produces high-quality compost to be used as fertilizer. The milk is marketed by Israel's giant Tnuva cooperative. The compost is used mainly to fertilize the fields of the three settlements in the Arad Rift. The fields are worked magnificently and are saturation-irrigated with water from purified ponds, originating in the liquid sewage of the nearby city of Arad.

Tzurel showed me all this during the long tour he gave me. He was proud but not arrogant. He's a dyed-in-the-wool farmer and highly knowledgeable, and his explanations were clear and interesting. In the Arad Rift he also pointed out the Bedouin tent encampments scattered at the fields' edges. With his accustomed sincerity he told me that the fields had been given to him and his colleagues in the Nahal group back at the end of the 1970s, to place these areas in Jewish hands and prevent the Bedouin from taking them over. They were then also given the land on the other side of the Green Line, because that's where they chose to settle, where they believe to be the site of the biblical settlement of Carmel. They chose to build their homes in the conquered territories, which they believe were given to the Jewish people, together with the whole land.

The result, as I could clearly see, is that they now have a hold, to their hearts' and spirits' content, on both sides of the Green Line. As for the deceptive, abstract line, it has been erased, it no longer exists - not only in their view but in the situation on the ground.

The dairy products and the fruit of the land are marketed by Israeli companies, and no boycott can separate them from the rest of the fruit of the land, while the Bedouin are being evicted. It's all part of one policy, consistent and systematic. One state rules here in full and its ways have not changed over the years. They are constantly fine-tuned and have long since made a laughingstock of the "peace process" and its stages, from Oslo to the various road maps.

On that day, in the company of Ron Tzurel, I felt defeated, but above all, I was forced to open my eyes. What you see in the land of the settlers, you don't have to see from Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. And even if you know what's there it's easy and convenient to ignore it. That was the main lesson I learned that day.

The second lesson is much harder to articulate. It came to me gradually, without coming fully into focus, when, after the tour, we chatted in Tzurel's living room. We listened to each other politely and patiently. Ron and two of his daughters, who at some point hesitatingly joined us, tried to persuade me in pleasant tones that, contrary to my hard-and-fast opinion, no gulf separates us. They are good, decent folk and advocate the same humane values as I do.

They are not racists, they are not Arab haters, and most of all, they are not extremists or zealots. This they took pains to emphasize. It's clear that they're genuinely sorry that I and many other Israelis refuse to see this and instead denounce and shun them.

I told them about the injustice against civilians in the West Bank that I have witnessed and documented for many years. They listened. Occasionally it seemed that Tzurel even grimaced with sorrow. In any event, they didn't justify those actions and didn't dispute what I said. They said something else: They simply don't know about all that. Nor does it especially interest them, Tzurel admitted. In this they are like most Israelis, he said, echoing something I had said a moment earlier. I had said that most Israelis don't know and don't want to know about these things. Well, they too are Israelis, so why do I think that the settlers are different from most Israelis? They too don't know and don't really want to know.

And I, who all this time could see from the corner of my eye the barbed-wire fence, the tents and the tin shacks on the other side, and also did not forget the military orders, the settlers and the soldiers who kick the goats and chase away the goatherds - I did not find the words to answer him on this. Because I couldn't see evil and wickedness in him, in this polite person sitting across from me at the family dining table and looking at me with his smiling, honest eyes. Suddenly I wasn't so sure I had a moral advantage over him: From my home in West Jerusalem I can't see what's happening in Silwan, Sheikh Jarrah, Ras al-Amud and Qalandiyah - an urban version of the things happening in the South Hebron Hills.

Like him, I too am responsible for the illegal laws of the state whose legislative and executive branches were elected by a majority of the members of my nation. The fact that he supports them and benefits from them directly, whereas I benefit indirectly, is not enough to create a moral buffer between us. He is not one of the shooters, kickers and rampagers under the army's protection, and he denounces them too.

True, those people are members of his settlement, but by the same token the dispossessors and harassers in the neighborhoods annexed to Jerusalem are residents of my city. And the Jews who turned the center of Hebron into a desolate ghost town, strewn with fences and roadblocks and filled with soldiers, bases and guard positions, are members of my nation and his nation. They're citizens of my country and his country.

So are the inhabitants of the settlements of Yitzhar and Har Bracha, outside Nablus, for whom infrastructure was built and roads paved on "state land" by the decision of an elected Israeli government "to expand settlement in Judea, Samaria, the Jordan Rift Valley, the Gaza Strip and the Golan Heights by increasing the population of the existing communities and by establishing additional communities on state-owned land."

All according to the law, in a law-abiding state.

Carmel

Source of name: Biblical

Type of settlement and organizational affiliation: Cooperative moshav, Amana (the settlement arm of the Gush Emunim movement)

Population: 417

District: Hebron

Municipal affiliation: Hebron Hills

Local government decisions:
1. September 14, 1980 − approval to establish the settlement
2. July 5, 1981 − approval for a civilian settlement
Date of establishment: As a Nahal outpost, January 1981; civilian status, May 1981
Land status: State domain lands, previously under military seizure order ‏(issued jointly with the Ma’on outpost‏)

Nearby outposts: None

Execution of valid detailed plans:
Plan No. 507 allows for construction of 81 residential units. Many structures do not conform to authorized plan ‏(residential structures in a green area and trailer homes in industrial zone‏). There are also 15 lots.
Builder: Housing and Construction Ministry, Rural Construction Directorate, Amana

Note:
1. There are five chicken coops and agricultural structures northeast of the settlement. They are not classified as irregular because they are agricultural structures consistent with provisions of Mandatory plan that applies to this area.
2. There are two clusters of Bedouin east of the settlement.

Source: Database compiled by Brig. Gen. ‏(res.‏) Baruch Spiegel


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This story is by: Ilana Hammerman
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СообщениеДобавлено: Вторник, 9 Октябрь 2012, 09:45:42    Заголовок сообщения: Ответить с цитатой

Что мне нравится в этой статье - так это заголовок. "Поселенцы предположительно побили полицейских". Причём поселенцы эти арестованы, личности их установлены, есть и орудие преступления (палки), сами полицейские подтверждают факт побития (не сильного, разумеется, так, пара ударов). Но - предположительно! Бу-га-га!

Settlers allegedly beat cops posing as Palestinians
By BEN HARTMAN
10/07/2012 17:22
Court remands three settlers accused of assaulting undercover police dressed as Palestinian shepherds in the West Bank.
Handcuffs (illustrative photo) Photo: Reuters

The Jerusalem Magistrate’s Court on Sunday extended by two days the remand of three settlers arrested last week for attacking three Israel Police on a hilltop in the South Hebron Hills.

According to the court protocol, on Thursday, three cops dressed as Palestinian shepherds were standing on a hill outside Sussiya when a settler approached them and told them they had one minute to leave. Police said the suspect then made a phone call and within moments, three additional suspects arrived armed with sticks, with their T-shirts pulled over their faces as masks.
Related:

Ramle mourns loss of murdered Muslim leader
Herzliya man indicted for murder of second wife

Police said the men immediately began attacking the officers, who began yelling “police! police!” and fighting back, using pepper spray and arresting the three suspects.

The fourth man, the one who initially called the three suspects for back-up, fled and has not been arrested.

Police said that one of the officers was hit in the back of the neck with a stick, and one was kicked by one of the suspects.

According to police, the undercover operation was called after a long series of attacks in the South Hebron Hills by settlers against Palestinian shepherds and leftwing activists working with them.

The suspects, Shimon Ben- Gigi, 22, Ilan Fier Yan Vinelda, 43, and David Popko, 24, all live in Sussiya, according to the court protocol.

The suspects’ attorney told the judge that the incident took place next to Sussiya in the “patrol area” of a farm called Mount Sinai where owner, Yair Har-Sinai, then 51 and a father of nine, was murdered by gunmen in 2001.

The attorney said Har- Sinai’s wife saw three men just next to her farm who appeared to be shepherds but had no flock with them, only a single donkey, and became scared and called for help.

The attorney added that since there was not any IDF or police presence nearby she called the nearby settlement security officers, who came to her assistance.

The attorney added that the undercover action endangered the safety of the police.

Also on Sunday, left-wing activists reported that a group of masked settlers attacked Palestinian olive pickers working on a field they own next to the settlement of Nachliel. A fight broke out and soldiers fired in the air to scatter the two sides, the activists said.
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СообщениеДобавлено: Суббота, 24 Декабрь 2016, 11:55:30    Заголовок сообщения: Ответить с цитатой

http://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2016/12/23/la-resolution-de-l-onu-reclamant-l-arret-de-la-colonisation-israelienne-a-ete-adoptee_5053630_3210.html
Le Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU adopte une résolution condamnant la colonisation israélienne

La résolution 2334 a recueilli quatorze voix en sa faveur, passant grâce à l’abstention américaine ; une décision historique qui a suscité la réprobation d’Israël.

LE MONDE | 23.12.2016 à 20h49 • Mis à jour le 24.12.2016 à 07h42 | Par Piotr Smolar (Jérusalem, correspondant)
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Barack Obama a décidé de laisser à son successeur, Donald Trump, un héritage qu’il ne pourra défaire : la résolution 2334, adoptée au Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies (ONU), vendredi 23 décembre. Ce texte dénonçant la colonisation israélienne dans les territoires palestiniens occupés a recueilli quatorze voix en sa faveur, passant grâce à l’abstention américaine.

Au terme de quarante-huit heures de tourbillon politique, l’administration Obama a décidé de replier le parapluie qu’elle avait systématiquement déployé depuis huit ans au-dessus d’Israël, au Conseil de sécurité. Ce coup de semonce est une défaite politique sévère pour le premier ministre Benyamin Nétanyahou et une sanction contre la promotion décomplexée de la colonisation par la droite israélienne.

Le texte de la résolution, contrairement aux affirmations des responsables israéliens, n’est pas fondamentalement hostile à l’Etat hébreu. Il s’inscrit dans la lignée de la résolution 465, adoptée en 1980, qui dénonçait déjà l’extension des colonies, jugées illégales.
Un souci d’équilibre

En outre, il se place à la suite du rapport du Quartet – Etats-Unis, Russie, Union européenne (UE), ONU –, publié le 1er juillet, qui dressait un état des lieux alarmant de la réalité, sur le terrain. La résolution 2334 estime elle aussi que la construction et l’extension des colonies mettent « gravement en danger la viabilité de la solution à deux Etats ».

Par ailleurs, dans un souci d’équilibre réclamé notamment par Paris et Washington, le texte « condamne tous les actes de violence contre les civils, dont les actes terroristes », une référence aux attaques palestiniennes. La résolution exige la « cessation immédiate » de la colonisation dans les territoires palestiniens occupés, dont Jérusalem-Est, et loue les efforts diplomatiques entrepris par la France, la Russie et l’Egypte, au cours des derniers mois, pour relancer un dialogue sur le conflit.

« C’est une victoire pour le terrorisme, la haine et la violence », s’est lamenté Danny Danon, l’ambassadeur israélien auprès de l’ONU, selon lequel la résolution représente un « non à la possibilité d’une paix ». Le bureau du premier ministre israélien Benyamin Nétanyahou a aussitôt rejeté cette « résolution anti-israélienne honteuse » et annoncé qu’Israël ne s’y conformera pas.
Amertume israélienne

A l’origine, le texte avait été présenté mercredi soir par l’Egypte, à la surprise générale. Mais Donald Trump est intervenu pour peser de tout son poids de président élu des Etats-Unis auprès d’Abdel Fattah Al-Sissi. Il a demandé au président égyptien de renoncer à son initiative. Son interlocuteur n’a pas voulu compromettre ses futures relations avec le président américain, et a donc retiré son texte.

Mais la volte-face de l’Egypte n’a pas condamné son initiative. Quatre membres non permanents du Conseil de sécurité – la Nouvelle-Zélande, la Malaisie, le Sénégal et le Venezuela – ont pris le relais du Caire, pour promouvoir la résolution dans une version identique.

Vendredi dans l’après-midi, sous couvert d’anonymat, des responsables israéliens exprimaient leur amertume – et aussi une certaine panique – dans les médias, en affirmant que Barack Obama et le secrétaire d’Etat américain John Kerry se trouvaient derrière ce « coup honteux » et qu’ils « abandonnaient » Israël.

L’accusation est d’autant plus injuste que, comme le rappelait vendredi soir l’ambassadrice américaine à l’ONU, Samantha Power, M. Obama a « démontré un engagement sans précédent pour la sécurité d’Israël ». La diplomate faisait implicitement référence au nouvel accord de défense sur dix ans, conclu entre les deux pays à l’automne pour un montant de 38 milliards de dollars (36,3 milliards d’euros).
590 000 colons en Cisjordanie et à Jérusalem-Est

Samantha Power a expliqué que les Etats-Unis ne votaient pas en faveur de la résolution parce qu’elle « se concentre trop étroitement sur les colonies » en ne tenant pas compte des autres facteurs dans le conflit.

image: http://s2.lemde.fr/image/2016/12/24/534x0/5053660_6_2e21_samantha-power-ambassadrice-des-etats-unis_cb8afed615374444fec4f034fa4cde2e.jpg
Samantha Power, ambassadrice des Etats-Unis auprès de l’ONU, après le vote de la résolution condamnant la colonisation des territoires palestiniens occupés par Israël, le 23 décembre.
Samantha Power, ambassadrice des Etats-Unis auprès de l’ONU, après le vote de la résolution condamnant la colonisation des territoires palestiniens occupés par Israël, le 23 décembre. MANUEL ELIAS / AFP

Mais l’abstention se justifie, selon elle, par la continuité de la position américaine, d’un président à l’autre, républicain ou démocrate, depuis des décennies : elle se résume par une condamnation de la colonisation et un soutien à une solution à deux Etats. En 2011, l’administration Obama avait ainsi opposé son veto à une résolution condamnant la colonisation, dont la formulation avait été jugée trop déséquilibrée.

L’ambassadrice américaine a rappelé que le nombre de colons s’élevait à présent à 590 000 en Cisjordanie et à Jérusalem-Est, dont 90 000 au-delà de la barrière de sécurité construite par les Israéliens.

L’examen actuel d’un projet de loi à la Knesset légalisant tous les avant-postes – colonies sauvages et illégales, même au regard du droit israélien – illustre la pente dangereuse suivie par le pays, alors que sera célébré, en juin 2017, le 50e anniversaire de l’occupation. « Il faut faire un choix entre les colonies et la séparation » avec les Palestiniens, a lancé Mme Power à l’attention du premier ministre Benyamin Nétanyahou.

Lire aussi : Les colons, la bombe à retardement d’Israël
La frustration de John Kerry

S’exprimant lors du Forum Saban à Washington, le 4 décembre, John Kerry, avait exprimé sa frustration vis-à-vis de la droite israélienne et son idée d’un « grand Israël » qui absorberait les territoires occupés.

Interrogé sur la position de l’administration Obama en cas de résolution au Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU, M. Kerry avait traduit les hésitations de la Maison Blanche. « S’il s’agit d’une résolution biaisée et injuste prévue pour délégitimer Israël, nous nous y opposerons. Evidemment que nous le ferons. Nous l’avons toujours fait. Mais cela devient de plus en plus compliqué », ajouta-t-il, ne cachant pas sa frustration.

Lors de sa première élection, Barack Obama semblait décidé à agir sur ce dossier. Au second jour après son entrée en fonctions, il avait ainsi nommé un envoyé spécial pour le Proche-Orient, George Mitchell. Mais dès 2010, l’échec de sa première tentative de médiation avait découragé le président américain, qui avait délégué le dossier à son secrétaire d’Etat.

John Kerry a fourni beaucoup d’efforts, qui se sont révélés vains. Depuis l’effondrement des négociations israélo-palestiniennes en avril 2014, puis la guerre dans la bande de Gaza l’été suivant, les relations politiques entre les deux parties dans le conflit sont inexistantes. Seule la coordination sécuritaire fonctionne à plein.

Au cours des derniers mois, la droite nationale religieuse en Israël n’a pas caché sa satisfaction à l’idée de tourner la page des années Obama et de saisir l’occasion d’une remise à plat des relations bilatérales avec les Etats-Unis, grâce à l’arrivée de M. Trump à la Maison Blanche.

image: http://s2.lemde.fr/image/2016/12/24/534x0/5053659_6_68eb_2016-12-24-df0b758-18361-nkpmit-v668b8olxr_eab5d1216836f9cdc82c499e2970f34d.jpg
« Trump. Rend sa grandeur à Israël ! » proclame une affiche à Tel Aviv, le 15 novembre.
« Trump. Rend sa grandeur à Israël ! » proclame une affiche à Tel Aviv, le 15 novembre. JACK GUEZ / AFP

Ce dernier a réitéré son intention de déménager l’ambassade des Etats-Unis de Tel Aviv à Jérusalem, en rupture complète avec la tradition diplomatique de son pays, selon laquelle le statut de Jérusalem ne sera déterminé que dans le cadre de négociations de paix. Enfin, le président élu a déjà annoncé l’identité du futur ambassadeur en Israël. Il s’agit de David Friedman, un ami avocat spécialiste de la banqueroute, connu pour son soutien idéologique à la colonisation et son opposition à un Etat palestinien.
L’« héritage » d’Obama

« Ce vote risque de pousser Trump à être encore plus pro-israélien, souligne un diplomate à Jérusalem. On risque d’assister par exemple à un déménagement accéléré de l’ambassade des Etats-Unis de Tel Aviv vers Jérusalem. »

Dans un tweet, Donald Trump a assuré vendredi soir que « les choses seront différentes après le 20 janvier ». Mais la résolution, elle, ne pourra être défaite. La seconde conférence pour la paix au Proche-Orient, que la France compte organiser le 15 janvier à Paris, après une première rencontre en juin, devrait se tenir dans une ambiance plus tendue que prévue.

En Israël, l’adoption de la résolution va dominer le débat public dès la fin du shabbat, samedi soir, alors que le pays s’apprête à fêter Hanoucca. Yaïr Lapid, le chef de file du parti de centre-droit Yesh Atid, aujourd’hui dans l’opposition, épouse totalement la ligne de M. Nétanyahou.

Au cours d’une conférence téléphonique, vendredi soir, avec des correspondants étrangers, M. Lapid a fait savoir qu’il s’était entretenu dans la journée avec un conseiller de Barack Obama pour exprimer sa vive inquiétude à l’idée d’une abstention américaine. L’ancien journaliste trouve « étrange » que le président démocrate laisse « ce genre d’héritage » sur le bureau de son successeur.

Mais il redoute surtout les conséquences pour Israël. « Cette résolution ne parle pas de sanctions, mais elle fournit l’infrastructure pour de futures sanctions, c’est ce qui est alarmant, dit-il. Cela peut donner corps à des plaintes devant des juridictions internationales contre Israël et ses responsables. Ce sera un chemin long et compliqué, et je vous assure que pendant cette période, il n’y aura pas de négociations. »

Piotr Smolar (Jérusalem, correspondant)

Lire aussi : Trump choisit comme futur ambassadeur en Israël un partisan des colonies

Représailles diplomatiques d’Israël Le premier ministre israélien, Benyamin Nétanyahou, a ordonné, samedi 24 décembre, « une série de mesures diplomatiques » contre la Nouvelle-Zélande et le Sénégal qui ont obtenu qu’un vote soit organisé, vendredi, à l’ONU sur une résolution contre les colonies israéliennes. Le texte, initialement proposé par l’Egypte, a finalement été présenté à l’initiative de la Nouvelle-Zélande, du Sénégal, de la Malaisie et du Venezuela, après une volte-face du Caire. Israël n’entretient pas de relations diplomatiques avec la Malaisie et le Venezuela. M. Nétanyahou a annoncé le rappel « immédiat » de ses ambassadeurs en Nouvelle-Zélande et au Sénégal « pour consultations ». Il a aussi annulé la visite du ministre sénégalais des affaires étrangères, prévue en janvier, ordonné l’arrêt de tous les programmes d’aide au Sénégal, et l’annulation des visites en Israël des ambassadeurs non résidents du Sénégal et de Nouvelle-Zélande. Le ministre néo-zélandais des Affaires étrangères a réagi aux mesures israéliennes dans un communiqué samedi. « La position que nous avons adoptée est parfaitement en ligne avec notre politique de longue date sur la question palestinienne », a déclaré Murray McCully, ajoutant que « le vote (...) ne devrait surprendre personne ».


En savoir plus sur http://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2016/12/23/la-resolution-de-l-onu-reclamant-l-arret-de-la-colonisation-israelienne-a-ete-adoptee_5053630_3210.html#OVC7wYmmXd0czLQv.99
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СообщениеДобавлено: Суббота, 24 Декабрь 2016, 11:57:58    Заголовок сообщения: Ответить с цитатой

http://www.lemonde.fr/ameriques/article/2016/12/24/l-ultime-mise-en-garde-d-obama-a-israel_5053648_3222.html
Vote sur la colonisation à l’ONU : l’ultime mise en garde d’Obama à Israël

Il faut remonter à 1980 pour trouver un avertissement aussi clair des Etats-Unis que l’abstention lors du vote sur la colonisation au Conseil de sécurité.

LE MONDE | 24.12.2016 à 02h31 • Mis à jour le 24.12.2016 à 08h02 | Par Gilles Paris (Washington, correspondant)
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image: http://s2.lemde.fr/image/2016/12/24/534x0/5053646_6_1e6c_barack-obama-a-la-maison-blanche-le-16_db51e2988e333cd3c7801680e6946e97.jpg
Barack Obama à la Maison Blanche le 16 décembre.
Barack Obama à la Maison Blanche le 16 décembre. ZACH GIBSON / AFP
« Les Etats-Unis n’acceptent pas la légitimité de la continuation de la colonisation [israélienne]. Ces constructions violent les accords précédents et sapent les efforts consentis pour parvenir à la paix. Il est temps que ces colonies cessent. »

Le président des Etats-Unis, Barack Obama, avait prononcé ces paroles le 4 juin 2009 lors d’un discours sur le Proche-Orient prononcé au Caire. On peut y trouver la justification de l’abstention spectaculaire de Washington qui a permis l’adoption, vendredi 23 décembre, d’une résolution onusienne condamnant des implantations jugées illégales au regard du droit international.

Cette abstention, qui sonne comme une mise en garde, pourrait constituer le legs du président démocrate sur la question israélo-palestinienne.

Pendant huit années, M. Obama s’est tenu à une position de principe découlant d’une analyse clinique de la situation. Israël ne peut pas à la fois se dire attaché à la solution des deux Etats que le premier ministre Benyamin Nétanyahou avait faite sienne sous conditions dans le discours de Bar-Ilan prononcé également en juin 2009, et vider cet horizon diplomatique de substance en rendant impossible sur le terrain la création d’un Etat palestinien.

A peine arrivé au pouvoir, le président démocrate avait ainsi nommé comme envoyé spécial l’ancien sénateur George Mitchell. Ce dernier était à l’origine d’un rapport international pointant huit ans plus tôt, en 2001, l’effet de la colonisation dans la détérioration du processus de paix lancé en 1994 et qui avait conduit à la seconde intifada.
Espoirs déçus

Pendant son premier mandat, M. Obama avait également obtenu de haute lutte un gel temporaire et partiel de la colonisation – excluant les quartiers orientaux de Jérusalem – en espérant qu’il permette de réamorcer le dialogue entre le camp israélien et l’Autorité palestinienne. Comme pour les deux présidents américains précédents, les espoirs américains avaient été déçus, forçant M. Obama à abandonner ce dossier.

L’échec n’avait pourtant pas dissuadé les Etats-Unis, totalement isolés, d’opposer leur veto, en février 2011, à un projet de résolution condamnant la colonisation. L’ambassadrice américaine aux Nations unies, Susan Rice, l’avait justifié en assurant qu’il ne constituait pas une approbation de la colonisation mais qu’il visait à retirer aux deux parties un prétexte pour ne pas s’engager dans des discussions substantielles. Le secrétaire d’Etat, John Kerry, nommé par M. Obama après sa réélection, en 2012, s’y était attelé sans relâche, sans plus de succès.

Lire aussi : La construction annoncée d’une colonie juive en Cisjordanie irrite la Maison Blanche

Quatre ans plus tard, l’administration sortante n’a donc pas fait mine de croire qu’un nouveau veto permettrait d’entretenir cet espoir. Samantha Power, l’actuelle ambassadrice aux Nations unies, n’a eu qu’à égrener quelques chiffres pour montrer que la colonisation a crû à un rythme accéléré depuis le veto de 2011.

Elle a progressé y compris dans la partie située à l’est de la « clôture de sécurité » érigée par Israël dans les territoires conquis en 1967, donc au-delà des « blocs » de colonies qui seraient annexés dans le cadre d’un accord de paix global.

image: http://s1.lemde.fr/image/2016/12/24/534x0/5053647_6_b374_le-conseil-de-securite-de-l-onu-lors-du_23da0eb1a4b6d6fdfa5de623ca1bd3ad.jpg
Le Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU lors du vote de la résolution 2334, à New York, le 23 décembre.
Le Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU lors du vote de la résolution 2334, à New York, le 23 décembre. MANUEL ELIAS / AFP
Le projet de deux Etats est menacé

Il faut remonter à 1980 pour trouver un précédent. Le vote positif de l’administration Carter sur la résolution 465 condamnant la colonisation reposait cependant sur un argumentaire juridique. Les administrations successives avaient privilégié par la suite une lecture politique assurant régulièrement qu’elle constituait seulement une complication inutile.

L’abstention du 23 décembre déplace d’un cran le curseur de cette appréciation. A la veille du départ de M. Obama de la Maison Blanche, l’administration américaine indique que la colonisation menace désormais directement le projet des deux Etats.

Lire aussi : Le Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU adopte une résolution condamnant la colonisation israélienne

Dans une conférence téléphonique avec la presse, le conseiller diplomatique de M. Obama, Ben Rhodes a rappelé que près de 600 000 Israéliens vivaient désormais en territoire palestinien, y compris dans la partie orientale de Jérusalem, soit une augmentation de 100 000 depuis l’arrivée au pouvoir de M. Obama.

Répondant aux critiques qui se sont abattus mécaniquement sur l’administration, y compris de la part d’élus démocrates, M. Rhodes a rappelé le vote de 2011 et son inefficacité. « Qu’est-ce qui pourrait nous prouver [qu’opposer un veto] ralentirait le rythme de la colonisation ? », s’est-il interrogé.
« Il n’y a qu’un seul président à la fois »

Sur son compte Twitter, le président élu Donald Trump, a promis que « les choses seront différentes après le 20 janvier » et son arrivée à la Maison Blanche. Contre tous les usages, M. Trump avait tenté de tordre le bras de M. Obama en publiant, jeudi, un message l’invitant à opposer son veto. « Il n’y a qu’un seul président à la fois. Le président Obama est le président des Etats-Unis jusqu’au 20 janvier », lui a laconiquement répondu vendredi M. Rhodes.

Le conseiller diplomatique a fait remarquer que M. Trump, en nommant comme ambassadeur en Israël un avocat opposé à la solution des deux Etats, a clairement montré quelles étaient ses intentions en la matière.

Lors de la convention d’investiture de Cleveland (Ohio), en juillet, le Parti républicain a tourné le dos pour la première à la solution des deux Etats qui a longtemps fait l’objet d’un consensus entre démocrates et républicains.

Lire aussi : Trump choisit comme futur ambassadeur en Israël un partisan des colonies

Avant même l’élection de M. Trump, le »Grand Old Party » a donc rompu le fil qui reliait la reconnaissance en 1982 par Ronald Reagan de « droits légitimes » pour les Palestiniens, à la conférence de Madrid organisée en 1991 par George W. H. Bush, prélude aux accords d’Oslo, et à la « vision » de George W. Bush de « deux Etats vivant côte à côte dans la paix et la sécurité ».

Le Parti républicain ne mentionne plus, comme M. Trump a pu le faire à l’occasion, qu’une vague « paix complète et durable au Moyen-Orient », sans avancer le moindre paramètre, ni même mentionner la Palestine ou les Palestiniens. Un changement dramatique de paradigme dont les conséquences sont encore difficiles à mesurer.

En savoir plus sur http://www.lemonde.fr/ameriques/article/2016/12/24/l-ultime-mise-en-garde-d-obama-a-israel_5053648_3222.html#sdmOeMLFzWrJEXoj.99
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Откуда: Обер-группен-доцент, ст. руководитель группы скоростных свингеров, он же Забашлевич Оцаат Поэлевич

СообщениеДобавлено: Понедельник, 26 Декабрь 2016, 22:30:25    Заголовок сообщения: Ответить с цитатой

http://www.newsru.co.il/israel/26dec2016/net_0016.html
Нетаниягу разъяснил жесткую позицию в отношении стран, проголосовавших против Израиля
время публикации: 21:07 | последнее обновление: 22:15 блог версия для печати фото
Нетаниягу разъяснил жесткую позицию в отношении стран, проголосовавших против Израиля

На церемонии, посвященной презентации проекта развития северных районов страны, глава правительства Биньямин Нетаниягу коснулся темы резолюции СБ ООН и реакции Израиля на нее. В частности, он объяснил, почему Израиль так остро отреагировал на резолюцию.

"Утром я прочел в нескольких газетах о моей агрессивной позиции по отношению к странам, проголосовавшим против нас в ООН. У Израиля есть национальная гордость, и мы не подставим другую щеку. Это продуманная, твердая и ответственная реакция. Необходимо разъяснить странам мира, что произошедшее в Организации Объединенных Наций для нас неприемлемо", - цитирует главу правительства пресс-служба "Ликуда".

Биньямин Нетаниягу также добавил: "Это важно и в том случае, если в следующем месяце будут предприняты другие попытки навредить нам. Жесткая реакция, в сущности, создает основу для другого отношения к нам в будущем. Поэтому было бы неправильно представлять наш протест как объявление войны всему миру. Но мы должны прекратить вести себя, как в "галуте". В раболепии нет политической мудрости. Я уверен, что наши отношения с другими странами, не только не пострадают, но и со временем улучшатся, поскольку в мире уважают сильные государства, способные отстаивать свою позицию, и презирают слабые, готовые унижаться и склоняться в подобострастном поклоне. Израиль под моим руководством - сильная, гордая страна. Мы продолжить защищать ее и двигаться вперед", - пообещал глава правительства.

Лидер партии "А-Тнуа" Ципи Ливни резко раскритиковала главу правительства за выбранную им тактику. Она заявила, в частности, что "Нетаниягу в истерике. Он ведет страну в политическую Масаду".
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Откуда: Обер-группен-доцент, ст. руководитель группы скоростных свингеров, он же Забашлевич Оцаат Поэлевич

СообщениеДобавлено: Воскресенье, 12 Январь 2020, 22:02:48    Заголовок сообщения: Ответить с цитатой

http://www.newsru.co.il/israel/12jan2020/aisha_0020.html
Палестинская арабка, погибшая от камней, брошенных еврейскими подростками, признана жертвой террора
время публикации: 12 января 2020 г., 21:44 | последнее обновление: 12 января 2020 г., 21:44 блог версия для печати фото
Похороны Айши ар-Раби в Бидии, 13 октября 2018 года

Министерство обороны признало 47-летнюю палестинскую арабку Аишу Мухаммад ар-Раби, погибшую в результате "каменной атаки" в октябре 2018 года, жертвой террора.

Это решение министерства обороны позволяет родным жертв террора обратиться в Институт национального страхования за компенсацией. Однако, согласно существующему законодательству, право на пособие или компенсацию имеют только граждане Израиля или иностранцы, находящиеся на территории Израиля законно. Аиша Мухаммад ар-Раби - не имела израильского гражданства, а само нападение произошло вне границ Израиля. Сайт Ynet пишет, что родственники погибшей женщины могут обратиться в специальную межминистерскую комиссию, занимающуюся рассмотрением подобных случаев.

В октябре 2018 года 47-летняя Аиша Мухаммад ар-Раби, мать девяти детей, погибла около Шхема после того, как автомобиль, в котором она находилась, забросали камнями. Женщина скончалась от тяжелой черепно-мозговой травмы. Муж Аишы, также находившийся в машине, получил травмы средней степени тяжести.
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